Last week, President Donald Trump fueled speculation that he might work to oust Robert Mueller, the former FBI director appointed to probe Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election. Trump could do so today, or tomorrow, or three months from now; the news could be announced in a televised speech, through a spokesperson, or even in a late night tweet sent on an impulse after his advisers have gone to bed.
If Trump fires Robert Mueller, few will be surprised. But if that happens, as the Department of Justice is thrown into chaos, as the American public sees its clearly expressed support for the special counsel disregarded, as the vital inquiry into the integrity of American elections stalls, as protesters take to the streets in a show of outrage at the affront to the rule of law, as the 2018 midterms morph into a referendum on the administration, and as American democracy reels into unknown territory, the House of Representatives should immediately impeach the president.
The Senate should vote unanimously to convict him.
And Vice President Mike Pence should be sworn into office as the 46th president, sparing the nation another day under a leader who’ll have proved himself to be unfit.
“Now wait a minute!” some of you are thinking. “The Constitution sets forth the standard for impeachment.” And so it does: “The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for, and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.”
If Trump is legally able to terminate a special counsel, or to instruct a subordinate to do so (the decision belongs to Rod Rosenstein, the deputy attorney general), how could that action, right or wrong, constitute a high crime or misdemeanor?
The answer requires an exploration of what “high crimes and …read more
Source:: The Atlantic – Politics